A28 · Society and Justice 社會與正義
Who Should Rule? 該由誰來治理？
Plato’s ship with a deaf captain and a mutinous crew, Mencius on the people and the tyrant, Han Fei’s system built for ordinary rulers, and a jury you can run to see when many heads are better than one.
柏拉圖那艘船：耳背的船長與叛變的水手；孟子談人民與暴君；韓非為平庸的君主打造的制度；以及一個你可以自己操作的陪審團，看看「人多」什麼時候勝過「一個人」。
Rules have to be made and enforced by someone. The oldest question in political philosophy is who that should be: the wisest, the best born, the strongest, or everyone. This lesson follows the answers, and then looks at a suggestion that the question itself was badly put.
規則總得由某個人來訂、來執行。政治哲學最古老的問題是：那該是誰？最有智慧的、出身最好的、最強的，還是每一個人？這一課跟著那些答案走一遍，然後看一個提議：這個問題本身，也許就問錯了。
中文翻譯Every paragraph has a Chinese translation. Tap 中譯▾ under a paragraph to open that one, or use Show Chinese · 顯示中譯 at the top to open them all. 每一段都有中譯：點段落下方的「中譯」只開那一段，或按上方的「顯示中譯」一次全部打開。
The essay · 課文
Who Should Rule? 該由誰來治理？
01A ship with a deaf captain 一艘船長耳背的船
Plato grew up in a democracy and watched it put his teacher to death by a majority vote. In the Republic he describes what he saw as a ship. The captain, who stands for the people, is bigger and stronger than anyone on board, but he is a little deaf, does not see well, and knows little of navigation. The sailors quarrel over the helm. Each thinks he has a right to steer, though none has learned how, and they are ready to cut to pieces anyone who says that steering can be taught. They flatter the captain, drug him, and take over the ship, eating and drinking the stores. The one person on board who has studied the seasons, the sky, the stars, and the winds they call a stargazer and a good-for-nothing.
柏拉圖在一個民主政體裡長大，並且看著它以多數決處死了他的老師。在《理想國》裡，他把他所見到的描述成一艘船。船長代表人民：他比船上任何人都高大強壯，但是有點耳背，眼力不好，對航海所知不多。水手們為了舵而爭吵。每個人都認為自己有權掌舵，雖然沒有一個人學過；而且誰要是說掌舵是可以教的，他們就準備把誰砍成碎片。他們奉承船長，給他下藥，接管了船，吃喝著船上的存糧。船上唯一研究過季節、天空、星辰與風的那個人，被他們叫做看星星的人、沒用的東西。
The parable carries an argument. Ruling is a skill, like navigation or medicine. No one chooses a ship’s pilot by a show of hands. So political power should go to those who know, and Plato draws the conclusion that made him notorious: “Until philosophers are kings, or the kings and princes of this world have the spirit and power of philosophy … cities will never have rest from their evils.” His rulers are to be trained for decades, and they are to own no property and have no families of their own, so that nothing can tempt them from the common good.
這個比喻帶著一個論證。治理是一門技藝，就像航海或醫術。沒有人用舉手表決來選領航員。所以政治權力應該交給有知識的人；而柏拉圖得出了那個使他聲名狼藉的結論：「除非哲學家成為國王，或者這個世界上的國王與君主擁有哲學的精神與力量……否則城邦永遠不能擺脫它們的禍患。」他的統治者要受幾十年的訓練；他們不得擁有財產，也不得有自己的家庭，這樣就沒有什麼能引誘他們離開公共的善。
02The feast of many dishes 眾人湊成的宴席
Aristotle, Plato’s student, found two weaknesses. A pilot knows how to reach a port, but the passengers decide where the ship is going, and political disputes are mostly about destinations. And he doubted that the few are always better judges than the many. “The many, of whom each individual is but an ordinary person, when they meet together may very likely be better than the few good … just as a feast to which many contribute is better than a dinner provided out of a single purse.” Each brings a share of good sense, and together they become like one man with many hands and many senses.
柏拉圖的學生亞里斯多德，找到了兩個弱點。領航員知道怎麼到達一個港口；但是船要開往哪裡，是由乘客決定的；而政治上的爭論，大多是關於目的地的。此外，他懷疑少數人是否總是比多數人更好的判斷者。「眾人當中，每一個個別的人都只是普通人；但是當他們聚在一起的時候，很可能比那少數的優秀者更好……正如一場由許多人湊成的宴席，勝過由一個人的荷包辦出來的一頓飯。」每個人帶來一份見識；合在一起，他們就像一個有許多隻手、許多感官的人。
Aristotle also changed the question. He sorted governments by two tests: how many rule, and for whose benefit. Rule by one, by a few, or by many can each be sound when it aims at the common good, and each has a corrupt twin that serves the rulers alone. Monarchy decays into tyranny and aristocracy into oligarchy. On this view the number of rulers matters less than whose interest they serve, and the best safeguard is that the law should govern, with officials as its servants.
亞里斯多德也改變了這個問題。他用兩個標準來分類政體：有多少人統治？為了誰的利益？一人統治、少數人統治、多數人統治，只要以公共的善為目標，各自都可以是健全的；而各自都有一個只為統治者自己服務的腐化的孿生兄弟。君主制敗壞成僭主制；貴族制敗壞成寡頭制。照這個看法，統治者的人數，沒有「他們為誰的利益服務」那麼要緊；而最好的保障是由法律來統治，官員則是法律的僕人。
03The people are the most important 民為貴
Chinese thinkers did not debate democracy, since no one had seen one. They debated what makes a ruler legitimate, and Mencius gave the boldest answer: “The people are the most important, the altars of the state come next, and the ruler is the least.” A king asked him whether it was true that a minister had once killed his sovereign, the tyrant Zhou. Mencius replied that a man who destroys humaneness and rightness is a mere fellow. “I have heard of the execution of a fellow named Zhou. I have not heard of the killing of a sovereign.” A ruler who abuses the people has lost the mandate and is no longer a ruler.
中國的思想家並沒有辯論過民主，因為沒有人見過。他們辯論的是：什麼使一位統治者具有正當性？而孟子給了最大膽的答案：「民為貴，社稷次之，君為輕。」齊宣王問他：臣子殺了自己的君主（暴君紂），有這回事嗎？孟子回答：「賊仁者謂之賊，賊義者謂之殘。殘賊之人謂之一夫。聞誅一夫紂矣，未聞弒君也。」一位虐待人民的統治者，已經失去了天命，不再是統治者。
Mencius even describes consultation. Before promoting or executing a man, the ruler should not listen to his courtiers or his ministers alone. Only “when the people of the state all say” so should he look into the matter himself, and then act. The people are to be heard, and it is still the ruler who decides. Two thousand years later Huang Zongxi pressed the idea further: in antiquity the world was the host and the ruler the guest, and now the ruler is the host and the world the guest, so that “the one who does the greatest harm to the world is the ruler.”
孟子甚至描述了徵詢。在提拔或處決一個人之前，君主不該只聽左右或大夫的話。「國人皆曰賢，然後察之；見賢焉，然後用之。」人民要被聽見；而做決定的仍然是君主。兩千年後，黃宗羲把這個觀念推得更遠：「古者以天下為主，君為客……今也以君為主，天下為客」；所以「為天下之大害者，君而已矣」。
04Do not wait for a sage 不要等聖人
Han Fei attacked both Plato’s hope and Mencius’s from another side. Sage kings like Yao and Shun, he observed, appear once in a thousand generations, and so do monsters like Jie and Zhou. Most rulers are in between. A theory of government that depends on a sage will give a thousand generations of disorder for one of order. What is needed is a system that an average man can operate: published laws, fixed rewards and punishments, and the authority of the throne. “Holding to the law and occupying the position of power, he governs well.” To long for the ancient kings is to be like the farmer of Song who saw a rabbit break its neck on a tree stump, put down his plow, and waited by the stump for another.
韓非從另一邊，同時攻擊了柏拉圖的希望與孟子的希望。他觀察到：像堯、舜那樣的聖王，一千世才出一個；像桀、紂那樣的怪物也是。大多數的君主在兩者之間。一個依賴聖人的治國理論，會給出一千世的亂，換一世的治。需要的是一個普通人就能操作的制度：公布的法律、固定的賞罰，以及君位的權威。「抱法處勢則治。」嚮往古代的聖王，就像那個宋國的農夫：他看見一隻兔子在樹樁上撞斷了脖子，就放下犁，守在樹樁旁邊等下一隻。
The idea of designing for ordinary officeholders is a modern one, and it is the starting point of every written constitution. But Han Fei’s system binds everyone except the man at the top. The law “does not favor the noble,” and yet it is the ruler’s instrument, so that nothing in it protects the people from him.
「為普通的在位者設計制度」是一個很現代的觀念；每一部成文憲法都從這裡出發。但是韓非的制度約束了每一個人，只除了最上面的那一位。法「不阿貴」，然而它是君主的工具；所以其中沒有任何東西保護人民不受他的侵害。
05A better question 一個更好的問題
In 1945 Karl Popper argued that the whole debate had asked the wrong question. “Who should rule?” invites the answer “the best,” and then every faction claims to be the best. He proposed to ask this in its place: “How can we so organize political institutions that bad or incompetent rulers can be prevented from doing too much damage?” On this view the value of democracy is that it lets a government be removed without bloodshed. It makes no claim that the people are wise. Popper’s question takes over Han Fei’s premise that rulers will usually be mediocre and reaches the opposite conclusion.
1945 年，卡爾・波普主張：整場辯論都問錯了問題。「該由誰來治理？」招來的答案是「最好的人」；然後每一個派別都宣稱自己就是最好的。他提議改問：「我們怎樣組織政治制度，才能防止壞的或無能的統治者造成太大的損害？」照這個看法，民主的價值在於：它讓一個政府可以不流血地被換掉。它並沒有宣稱人民是有智慧的。波普的問題接收了韓非的前提，也就是統治者通常是平庸的；而得出了相反的結論。
There is also a positive argument for the many, and it is mathematical. In 1785 the Marquis de Condorcet proved that if each voter is even slightly more likely than not to be right on a question, and they judge independently, then the majority becomes almost certain to be right as the number of voters grows. The same proof shows that if each is slightly more likely to be wrong, a large majority is almost certain to be wrong. Aristotle’s feast, in other words, depends on what the guests bring, and on their not all copying the same dish. The interactive below lets you try it.
也有一個支持「多數人」的正面論證，而它是數學的。1785 年，孔多塞侯爵證明了：如果每一位投票者在一個問題上答對的機率，哪怕只比一半高一點點，而且他們各自獨立判斷；那麼隨著投票人數增加，多數決幾乎必然是對的。同一個證明也顯示：如果每個人答錯的機率比一半高一點點，那麼龐大的多數幾乎必然是錯的。換句話說，亞里斯多德的那場宴席，取決於客人帶來了什麼，也取決於他們不是全都抄同一道菜。下面的互動讓你自己試試看。
Thought experiment · 思想實驗
Try it: Condorcet’s jury 親手做一次：孔多塞的陪審團
A question has a right answer. Each voter has some chance of getting it right. Set that chance, set the number of voters, and see how often the majority is right. Then let the voters copy one another.
一個問題有正確答案。每一位投票者有某個機率答對。設定那個機率，設定投票人數，看看多數決有多常是對的。然後，讓投票者互相抄。
Standard form · 標準形式
The argument, laid out 論證攤開來
Plato’s argument for rule by those who know, from Republic V–VI. Click a step to see what can be said against it.
柏拉圖在《理想國》卷五、卷六為「由有知識的人統治」所做的論證。點任何一步，看看別人可以怎麼反對它。
Primary text · 原典
In their own words 原典怎麼說
The case against trusting the many, and the case against waiting for the wise, written within about a century of each other at opposite ends of Eurasia.
反對「信任眾人」的理由，與反對「等待智者」的理由；寫於歐亞大陸的兩端，相隔大約一個世紀。
Plato, Republic, Book VI, 488a–489a; Han Feizi, chapter 40, “A Critique of the Doctrine of Position” 柏拉圖《理想國》卷六 488a–489a；《韓非子・難勢》 · Plato translated by Benjamin Jowett (public domain, original spelling); Han Fei translated for this series
Imagine then a fleet or a ship in which there is a captain who is taller and stronger than any of the crew, but he is a little deaf and has a similar infirmity in sight, and his knowledge of navigation is not much better. The sailors are quarrelling with one another about the steering—every one is of opinion that he has a right to steer, though he has never learned the art of navigation and cannot tell who taught him or when he learned, and will further assert that it cannot be taught, and they are ready to cut in pieces any one who says the contrary.
那麼請想像一支船隊，或者一艘船。船上有一位船長，比任何一個船員都高大強壯；但是他有點耳背，眼力也有類似的毛病，而他的航海知識也好不到哪裡去。水手們為了掌舵的事彼此爭吵：每一個人都認為自己有權掌舵，雖然他從來沒有學過航海術，說不出是誰教他的、什麼時候學的；而且他還會進一步斷言這門技術是教不來的；誰要是說相反的話，他們就準備把誰砍成碎片。
The captain is the people, strong and easily managed. The sailors are the politicians who compete to manage him. Plato’s charge against democracy is that it rewards the skill of winning the captain’s favor, which is a different skill from navigation.
船長是人民：強壯，而且容易被擺布。水手是爭著擺布他的政客。柏拉圖對民主的指控是：它獎賞的是「贏得船長歡心」的技術；而那跟航海是不同的技術。
Yao and Shun, Jie and Zhou, appear once in a thousand generations. The rulers of the world come without a break from the middle sort, and it is for the middle sort that I speak of the position of power. The middle sort do not reach as high as Yao and Shun, and do not sink as low as Jie and Zhou. Holding to the law and occupying the position of power, they govern well. Turning their backs on the law and abandoning the position of power, they bring disorder. Now to set aside position and turn against law and wait for a Yao or a Shun, so that there is order when Yao or Shun arrives, is to have a thousand generations of disorder for one of order.
且夫堯、舜、桀、紂千世而一出……世之治者不絕於中，吾所以為言勢者，中也。中者，上不及堯、舜，而下亦不為桀、紂。抱法處勢則治，背法去勢則亂。今廢勢背法而待堯、舜，堯、舜至乃治，是千世亂而一治也。
Yao and Shun are the model sage kings, and Jie and Zhou the model tyrants. Han Fei’s point is statistical: a constitution should be judged by how it performs under the rulers it is actually likely to get.
堯、舜是聖王的典型；桀、紂是暴君的典型。韓非的論點是統計上的：評判一個制度，要看它在「實際上很可能得到的那種統治者」之下表現如何。
Both sides · 正反兩面
Objections and replies 反駁與回應
Voters are badly informed, and they know that one vote changes nothing, so they have no reason to become better informed. The crew really is as Plato describes.
選民的資訊很差；而且他們知道一張票什麼也改變不了，所以沒有理由去增進了解。那群水手真的就像柏拉圖描述的那樣。
The evidence for voter ignorance is strong, and Jason Brennan has used it to argue for giving more weight to the votes of the informed. The usual replies are two. Any test of political knowledge would be written by someone with interests of his own, and in practice such tests have been used to exclude the poor and minorities. And the informed have interests too. A government answerable only to the educated will serve the educated.
選民無知的證據很強；傑森・布倫南用它來主張，應該給了解情況的人的票更大的權重。通常的回應有兩個。任何一份政治知識的測驗，都會由某個有自己利益的人來出題；而在實際上，這樣的測驗曾被用來排除窮人與少數族群。再者，了解情況的人也有利益。一個只對受過教育的人負責的政府，就會為受過教育的人服務。
Elections reward the short term. No voter is harmed today by a debt or a damaged climate that falls due in fifty years, and no future person has a vote.
選舉獎賞的是短期。一筆五十年後到期的債、一個五十年後才付代價的氣候，今天沒有任何一位選民受害；而未來的人沒有票。
This is a real weakness, and defenders of meritocratic rule in East Asia make much of it. Democracies answer it in part by removing some decisions from the daily contest, through independent courts, central banks, and constitutional limits. What they will not do is remove the power to dismiss the government. A ruler who cannot be dismissed may plan for fifty years, and there is no way of making him.
這是一個真實的弱點；東亞為賢能政治辯護的人很強調它。民主政體的部分回應，是把某些決定從每天的競爭裡拿出來：獨立的法院、中央銀行，以及憲法的限制。它們不肯拿走的，是解散政府的權力。一位不能被換掉的統治者，也許會為五十年做打算；而沒有任何辦法能逼他這樣做。
Popper sets the bar too low. A system that only lets us throw out bad rulers does nothing to bring in good ones.
波普把標準訂得太低了。一個只讓我們趕走壞統治者的制度，對於找來好的統治者毫無幫助。
Popper accepted this and thought it a strength. Hopes for the best ruler have a poor record, and the costs when they fail are very high. Confucians would reply that institutions are run by people, and that without some cultivation of character in those who hold office and those who choose them, no procedure will save a state. On that point Mencius and Mill, who wanted citizens educated by taking part, are closer to each other than either is to Han Fei.
波普接受這一點，而且認為這是優點。對「最好的統治者」的盼望，紀錄很差；而盼望落空時的代價非常高。儒家會回應：制度是由人來運作的；在位者與選擇他們的人，如果沒有某種品格上的修養，任何程序都救不了一個國家。在這一點上，孟子與彌爾（他希望公民藉由參與而受教育）彼此之間，比兩人各自與韓非都更接近。
Terms of art · 哲學術語
The vocabulary of the subject 這門學問的用語
Plato’s ideal ruler, who governs because he knows what is good.
柏拉圖理想中的統治者；他之所以統治，是因為他知道什麼是善。
L. legitimus ‘lawful’
The quality that gives a government the right to rule and its subjects a reason to obey.
使一個政府有權統治、使被統治者有理由服從的那種性質。
Ch. 天命 tiānmìng
The right to rule, held only as long as the ruler governs for the people’s good.
統治的權利；只有在統治者為人民的好處而治理的時候才保有。
Gk. tyrannos
Rule by one person in his own interest.
一個人為了他自己的利益而統治。
Gk. oligoi ‘few’ + archein ‘to rule’
Rule by a few in their own interest, usually the rich.
少數人（通常是富人）為了他們自己的利益而統治。
Rule by those selected for ability and virtue. The word was coined in 1958 as a satire.
由因為能力與德行而被選拔出來的人統治。這個詞是 1958 年為了諷刺而造的。
Condorcet’s result that a majority of independent voters, each more likely right than wrong, is very likely right.
孔多塞的結果：一群各自獨立、對的機率大於錯的投票者，其多數決非常可能是對的。
Ch. 法 fǎ, 術 shù, 勢 shì
Han Fei’s three instruments of rule: published law, the technique of managing officials, and the authority of the throne.
韓非的三種統治工具：公布的法律、駕馭官員的技術，以及君位的權威。
Advanced English · 高級英文
Words and phrases worth keeping 值得帶走的字與片語
He watched a democracy put his teacher to death.
他看著一個民主政體處死了他的老師。
No one chooses a ship’s pilot by a show of hands.
沒有人用舉手表決來選領航員。
He drew the conclusion that made him notorious.
他得出了那個使他聲名狼藉的結論。
Monarchy decays into tyranny.
君主制敗壞成僭主制。
A government answerable only to the educated will serve the educated.
一個只對受過教育的人負責的政府，就會為受過教育的人服務。
The debt falls due in fifty years.
那筆債五十年後到期。
Defenders of meritocracy make much of this weakness.
為賢能政治辯護的人，很強調這個弱點。
Critics say that Popper sets the bar too low.
批評者說，波普把標準訂得太低了。
We have no reliable way to pick them out.
我們沒有可靠的方法把他們挑出來。
The theorem holds only if voters think for themselves.
這個定理只有在投票者自己思考的時候才成立。
Reading check · 理解測驗
Did it land? 讀懂了嗎
1. In Plato’s parable, whom does the deaf captain stand for?
2. By what two tests did Aristotle sort governments?
3. What does Mencius say about the killing of the tyrant Zhou?
4. Why does Han Fei say we should not wait for a sage?
5. What two conditions does Condorcet’s theorem need?
Write · 你怎麼想？
Think of a group you belong to: a school, a company, a temple, a family. Who rules it, and how could that person be removed? Write 150 words answering Popper’s question for that group.
想一個你所屬的團體：一所學校、一家公司、一座寺院、一個家庭。它由誰治理？那個人可以怎麼被換掉？寫 150 個字，為那個團體回答波普的問題。
Plato says ruling is a skill like medicine. Aristotle says the guest judges a feast better than the cook. Choose one public decision, such as where to build a hospital, and say which parts of it belong to experts and which to the public.
柏拉圖說，治理是像醫術一樣的技藝。亞里斯多德說，宴席好不好，客人判斷得比廚子好。選一個公共決策，例如醫院要蓋在哪裡；說說看，其中哪些部分屬於專家，哪些屬於公眾。
Han Fei designed a system for average rulers. So did the authors of modern constitutions. In 200 words, explain what the two designs share and the one thing that separates them.
韓非為平庸的君主設計了一個制度。現代憲法的作者也是。用 200 個字說明：這兩種設計有什麼共同點？又是哪一件事把它們分開？
Dharma and the West · 佛法與西方哲學
A view from the Dharma 佛法怎麼看
The Buddha was born in a small republic governed by an assembly of clan elders, and lived to see such states swallowed by kingdoms. The discourse on his last days opens with politics. King Ajātasattu wants to destroy the Vajji confederacy and sends a minister to learn what the Buddha thinks of his chances. The Buddha does not answer the minister directly. He turns to Ānanda and asks whether he has heard that the Vajjis “meet frequently and have many meetings,” and that they “meet in harmony, leave in harmony, and carry on their business in harmony.” He lists seven such practices, among them keeping to their established laws, listening to their elders, and not abducting women. “As long as these seven principles that prevent decline last among the Vajjis,” he says, “… they can expect growth, not decline.” The minister draws his own conclusion: the Vajjis cannot be beaten in war, and can be defeated only “by bribery or by sowing dissension.”
佛陀出生在一個由氏族長老的集會來治理的小共和國；而他活著看到這樣的國家被王國吞併。記載他最後日子的那部經，是從政治開始的。阿闍世王想要消滅跋耆聯盟，派了一位大臣去探聽佛陀對他勝算的看法。佛陀並沒有直接回答那位大臣。他轉向阿難，問他是否聽說跋耆人「常常集會，集會很多」，而且「和合地集會，和合地散會，和合地處理事務」。他列出了七種這樣的做法，其中包括遵守既定的法律、聽從長老、不強擄婦女。他說：「只要這七種不衰退的法則在跋耆人當中持續下去，他們就可望增長，而不衰退。」那位大臣自己得出了結論：跋耆人在戰爭中是打不敗的；只能「用賄賂，或者用製造不和」才能擊敗他們。
The Buddha then gave the same list to the monks, with the training rules in place of the laws. He governed his own community as the Vajjis governed theirs, by assembly, and at the end of the same discourse he declined to name a successor: “The teaching and training that I have taught and pointed out for you shall be your Teacher after my passing.” On the question of this lesson, his position is a third one. He does not say that the wise should rule, and he does not say that numbers decide. He says that a community lasts as long as it meets, speaks openly, keeps its rules, and stays united, and that it falls when it can be divided. His test of a government is the same as his test of a person, namely the conduct that can be observed (Dharma and Western Philosophy D18).
接著，佛陀把同一張清單給了比丘們，只是把法律換成了學處。他治理自己的僧團，就像跋耆人治理他們的國家：用集會。而在同一部經的結尾，他拒絕指定繼承人：「我為你們所說、所指示的法與律，在我去世之後，就是你們的老師。」在這一課的問題上，他的立場是第三種。他沒有說應該由智者統治；他也沒有說由人數決定。他說的是：一個團體只要還在集會、公開地說話、遵守它的規則、保持團結，它就能持續；而當它可以被分化的時候，它就倒了。他檢驗一個政府的標準，跟他檢驗一個人的標準是同一個，也就是觀察得到的行為（佛法與西方哲學 D18）。
Go further · 延伸
People and reading 人物與延伸閱讀
- Plato, Republic, Book VI (tr. Jowett) ↗The ship is near the beginning. Book VIII gives his account of how democracy turns into tyranny. 那艘船在接近開頭的地方。卷八是他對「民主如何轉成僭主制」的說明。
- Aristotle, Politics, Book III (tr. Jowett) ↗Chapters 7 and 11: the six constitutions and the wisdom of the many. 第七章與第十一章：六種政體，以及眾人的智慧。
- 《孟子・梁惠王下》《盡心下》 ↗The fellow named Zhou, and the people as most important. 「聞誅一夫紂矣」與「民為貴」。
- 《韓非子・難勢》《五蠹》 ↗The middle sort of ruler, and the farmer who waited by the stump. 中等的君主，以及守株待兔的農夫。
- Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, “Jury Theorems” ↗Condorcet’s result, its assumptions, and what happens when they fail. 孔多塞的結果、它的假設，以及假設不成立時會發生什麼。
- Mahāparinibbāna Sutta, DN 16, section 1 ↗The seven principles of the Vajjis. 跋耆人的七不衰法。